ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΙΚΕΣ ΑΝΑΣΚΑΦΕΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΜΦΙΠΟΛΗ

[dimious200]

Kαι αλλο μυστηριο λυθηκε κυριες και κυριοι

[deadneighbours]

Kαι αλλο μυστηριο λυθηκε κυριες και κυριοι

10368244_664222093675905_7013970799192661455_n.jpg

Φαινεται κουφο αλλα αν το δεις από άλλη οπτικη γωνια μπορει να γινει και ετσι.

[GreekComicFan]

Αμφίπολη: Βρέθηκε σκελετός σε τάφο κάτω από τον τρίτο θάλαμο

 

και κάπου αλλού...

 

Βρέθηκε ασύλητος τάφος στη Βεργίνα. Εντυπωσιακά ευρήματα

[arianna]

Καλα μπορει να πάρει και χρονο, υπομονη! Σημερα είναι πρωτο θέμα παντού

[Comic-Μaniac]

και σύντομα θα ξέρουμε ποια από τις φήμες θα επιβεβαιωθεί 

[ramirez]

[Comic-Μaniac]

Βεργίνα: Βρέθηκε ασύλητος μακεδονικός τάφος με πλούσια κτερίσματα - Pathfinder.gr 

ξέρει κανείς αν ισχύει αυτό ?

[Tightwad]

Βεργίνα: Βρέθηκε ασύλητος μακεδονικός τάφος με πλούσια κτερίσματα - Pathfinder.gr

ξέρει κανείς αν ισχύει αυτό ?

Αναφέρθηκε χθες: 

 

Βρέθηκε ασύλητος τάφος στη Βεργίνα. Εντυπωσιακά ευρήματα

 

[Comic-Μaniac]

Αναφέρθηκε χθες: 

 

 

ναι?  σορρυ ,  αλλά απλά ακουγόταν ότι είναι ψέματα , το εντυπωσιακό είναι ότι όντως ισχύει ...

[dimious200]

βίντεο απο την ανασκαφή-εντυπωσιακά ευρήματα!!!

[Kabuki]

:lmao:

κλαιω!!

[Comic-Μaniac]

Αμφίπολη: Βρέθηκαν ανθρώπινες παραστάσεις στα επιστύλια | Ελλάδα | Η ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ

[φλοκ]

[arianna]

χα, χα φλοκ πολύ καλό και πάει και με το φορουμ μας τρελά! μα πραγματικά θα μαθουμε ποτε; ισως η γυναικα να είναι η ολυμπιάδα

[Tightwad]

Μια ενδιαφέρουσα συνέντευξη με τον διευθυντή του Μουσείου Κυκλαδικής Τέχνης.

[φλοκ]

Ολοκληρώθηκε η αποκατασταση του ψηφιδωτού του ταφου στην Αμφίπολη.Εκπληκτη η επιστημονικη κοινότητα από το εύρημα .........

 

[arianna]

χα, χα και αυτό καλο φλοκ

[GreekComicFan]

Περιστέρη: Το μνημείο της Αμφίπολης είναι του Ηφαιστίωνα

[Dr Paingiver]

 1- Το τόπικ βρυκολάκιασε.

 

2- Δεν είπε ότι είναι του Ηφαιστίωνα. Είπε ότι παραγγέλθηκε για τον Ηφαιστίωνα. Αν τελικά θάφτηκε εκεί όμως δεν έχει εξακριβωθεί.

 

[GreekComicFan]

Εγώ απλά παρέθεσα το άρθρο, το οποίο όπως συνήθως περιέχει τίτλο που προσπαθεί να κάνει εντύπωση. Εννοείται πως πρέπει να το διαβάσετε και να μην μείνετε στον τίτλο.

[falconara90]

Σ' αυτό το σημείο, λέω να περιμένω την επίσημη του Υπουργείου γιατί, πλέον, τα λεγόμενα της κυρίας Περιστέρη φαντάζουν με απέλπιδες προσπάθειες για αναγνώριση και ενασχόληση με το πρόσωπό της.

[germanicus]

(α) θα περιμένεις αιώνες όχι απαραίτητα για την ανακοίνωση του Υπουργείου, αλλά για να πάψουν να υπάρχουν διχογνωμίες. Από τα πράγματα που με είχαν ξαφνιάσει φέτος ήταν το ότι υπήρχαν αρχαιολόγοι που δεν πίστευαν ότι ο τάφος στη Βεργίνα ήταν του Φιλίππου. Άρα και εδώ, από τη στιγμή που δεν υπάρχει πλήρες γραπτό κείμενο (όπως λχ ήταν τα ιερογλυφικά στις πυραμίδες ή κάποιο αρχαίο κείμενο που να λέει "υπήρχε το τάδε κτίσμα στην Αμφίπολη"), θα υπάρχουν διχογνωμίες εσαεί.

 

(β) Το άρθρο που παρατέθηκε είναι γραμμένο στο πόδι. Ένα καλύτερο άρθρο είναι αυτό εδώ το οποίο έχει και εικόνες από τα κείμενα. Δεν έχω την εκπαίδευση της Περιστέρη για να αποδεχθώ τυφλά αυτό το μονόγραμμα, αλλά όπως και να το κάνεις, όταν το βλέπεις με τα ματάκια σου, λες ένα "οκ. αυτό μοιάζει με επιχείρημα".

 

(γ) Δεν κατανοώ τι σχέση είχε ο Ηφαιστίωνας με την Αμφίπολη (άρα γιατί να φτιαχτεί μνημείο για αυτόν εκεί). Η αλήθεια είναι όμως ότι δεν ξέρουμε πολλά για την καταγωγή του. Υπάρχουν όμως υπόνοιες ότι είχε Αθηναϊκή καταγωγή (wiki) και η Αμφίπολη ήταν Αθηναϊκή αποικία (wiki). Επιπρόσθετα είναι τέτοιο το μέγεθος του μνημείου (άρα και το κόστος του) που σημαίνει ότι δεν το χρηματοδότησε ο πρώτος τυχόντας, και είναι τέτοια η ιστορία (ποιος βασίλευσε που και πότε, πότε φτιάχτηκε, ποιος είχε τη δυνατότητα να φτιάξει κάτι τέτοιο, εκείνη τη στιγμή, σε εκείνο το σημείο) που ένα "για τον Ηφαιστίωνα" δεν είναι καθόλου παράλογη απάντηση. Διόλου τυχαίο που η άλλη έλεγε από τα πέρυσι ότι έχει σημαντικές πιθανότητες να είναι για αυτόν.

 

(δ) Έχει πλάκα που οι επιγραφές γνωστοποιήθηκαν μόλις τώρα Ξαφνιάζει από τη μια μεριά διότι πέρυσι μαθαίναμε μέχρι και το πότε φταρνίστηκε κάποιος (συνήθως προτού φταρνιστεί ). Στη πραγματικότητα όμως κάπως έτσι δουλεύουν οι ανασκαφές. Ο υπεύθυνος αρχαιολόγος συνήθως κάνει αιώνες μέχρι να πει το τι βρήκε. Σε συζήτηση που είχα με φίλο συντηρητή αρχαιοτήτων στο παρελθόν, έχοντας ως προσωπική μου απορία το που θα βρω υλικό για τις αρχαιότητες στο νομό Κορινθίας και για το πως δεν έβρισκα τίποτα για υπέροχα μέρη όπως η Ρωμαϊκή Βίλα στη θέση Κατουνίστρα στο Λουτράκι 

  

μου είπε ότι οι αρχαιολόγοι αργούν τραγικά να γνωστοποιήσουν τα ευρήματά τους και ένας λόγος που το κάνουν αυτό είναι προκειμένου να "δέσουν" όσο καλύτερα γίνεται το τι βρήκανε και να μην εμφανιστεί κάποιος που θα διαφωνήσει με τα ευρήματά τους (it makes some sense αφού μπορεί να είσαι εξπέρ στη δόμηση στον Ελλαδικό χώρο στην ύστερη Ρωμαϊκή περίοδο, αλλά δεν είναι απαραίτητο το ότι όλα όσα βρήκες ανήκουν μόνο σε αυτή την περίοδο και δεν έχεις μπροστά σου κάτι που κατοικούταν για πάρα πολλά χρόνια (που είναι και το πλέον σύνηθες ))

Γενικώς όμως όσα γνωρίζει ο αρχαιολόγος που κάνει την ανασκαφή, δεν τα γνωρίζει κανείς άλλος.

Και η συγκεκριμένη είναι επαγγελματίας επιστήμονας και όχι τυχάρπαστο νούμερο σαν την αλήστου μνήμης Σουβαλτζή (ή και κάποια άλλα πολύ πολύ πολύ πιο πρόσφατα νούμερα που δεν τα αναφέρω διότι παραμένουν πολιτικοί παράγοντες του τόπου. εξαιρετικά ενεργοί κι όλας........ )

 

[Tightwad]

Πολύ όμορφο πόστ, .

 

Θα ομολογήσω ότι στην αρχή κόλλησα λιγάκι. "Αν το μνημείο είναι στην τιμή του Ήφαιστου, τότε γιατί είναι τύμβος;". Μετά αυτοβάρεσα κανα δυο σφαλιάρες για να ξυπνήσω και να κάνω τον σωστό συνειρμό.

[germanicus]

Τι γνωρίζουμε για τον Ηφαιστίωνα? Well, τα παρακάτω οτιδήποτε άλλο είναι pure conjecture Το λήμμα είναι από το Who's Who in Age of Alexander the Great: Prosopography of Alexander's Empire του Waldemar Heckel (goodreads)

 

 

Hephaestion (Hephaistion). Macedonian

from Pella, son of Amyntor (A 6.28.4; AInd

18.3). A childhood friend and syntrophos

of Alexander (C 3.12.16; cf. Ps-Call 1.18.5;

Jul Val 1.10). Born ca. 356, Hephaestion

entered the ranks of the Pages ca. 343

and heard at Mieza the lectures of Aristotle

(cf. DL 5.27). There is evidence of a lifelong

friendship with Alexander (D 17.114.1, 3;

LDM 12.4; LPL 8; PA 28.5, 39.8; PM 180d,

332f–333a);348 but the story that he crowned

the tomb of Patroclus at Troy, while

Alexander honored that of Achilles, may be

a literary fiction (A 1.12.1; cf. AelVH 12.7;

cf. Perrin 1895).349 Nevertheless, the close

bond between the two is clear: when the

captive Persian queen mother, Sisygambis,

mistook Hephaestion for the King and

did obeisance to him, Alexander publicly

acknowledged him as his alter ego (A

2.12.6–7; D 17.37.5–6, cf. 114.2; C

 

3.12.15ff.; Val Max 4.7 ext 2; IA 37; Suda

Η 660). In December 333 or January 332,

Alexander permitted Hephaestion to choose

a king for the Sidonians (C 4.1.15–26; PM

340c–d; D 17.46.6ff.).

In late summer 332, Hephaestion conveyed

the fleet and the siege-equipment

from Tyre to Gaza (C 4.5.10). In 331, he

received a young Samian (or Plataean,

so Diyllus, FGrH 73 F2) named Aristion

(Marsyas, FGrH 135/6 F2 = Harpocration, s.v.

“Aristion”), whom Demosthenes had sent

in an effort to bring about a reconciliation

with Alexander (cf. Aes 3.160, 162).350 At

Gaugamela Hephaestion was wounded (A

3.15.2; D 17.61.3; C 4.16.32) while “commanding

the somatophylakes” (D 17.61.3),

possibly a reference to his command of

the agema of the hypaspists. He may have

been promoted to this post in 332, when

Admetus was killed at Tyre (A 2.23.5; D

17.45.6). At what point he became one

of the Seven is unclear.351 PolStrat 4.3.27

claims that Hephaestion and Philotas

commanded the forces directly opposed

to Phrasaortes [sic], while Alexander led

the encircling forces at the Persian Gates

(late 331). But both A 3.18.4, 7–8 and C

5.4.14–15, 29 assign this role to Craterus,

and correctly identify the Persian satrap as

Ariobarzanes.

In autumn 330, Hephaestion was part

of the King’s consilium, which met to decide

the fate of Philotas, who was implicated in

the so-called Dimnus conspiracy (see s.vv.

Dimnus, Philotas [4]). To what extent he

influenced Alexander’s thinking in private

we cannot know, but we may suppose that

Hephaestion was not loath to speak ill

of Philotas.352 His name heads the list of

those who came to Alexander’s tent during

the second watch on the night of Philotas’

arrest (C 6.8.17), and he appears as the

foremost of Philotas’ tormentors. The

Macedonians demanded that Philotas be

executed by stoning, but Hephaestion urged

that he be tortured first (C 6.11.10; PA

49.12). He received, as his reward, command

of one-half of the Companion Cavalry –

a blatant case of nepotism involving a

 

relatively inexperienced officer. Hence

Alexander entrusted the other half to Black

Cleitus (A 3.27.4). In 329, Hephaestion is

named as one of the King’s advisors before

the battle with the Scythians at the Iaxartes

River (C 7.7.9). In the spring of 328, when

the army was divided into five parts, he

commanded one contingent (A 4.16.2)353

in a mission that appears to have done

little more than win back several small

fortresses to which the rebellious natives

had fled.354 When the columns reunited

at Maracanda in the summer of 328,

Hephaestion’s role was adapted to suit his

talents. Clearly, he had no extraordinary

abilities as a general, as his undistinguished

military record shows. But he

did provide useful service as Alexander’s

“utility-man.” His first mission in Sogdiana

was to synoecize the local settlements (A

4.16.3), an assignment that was to guarantee

the loyalty of the native population by

means of the establishment of garrisons,

while it provided Alexander with a network

of communications in the region. Alexander

used him regularly for non-military operations:

the founding of cities, the building

of bridges, and the securing of communications

constitute Hephaestion’s major

contribution.355 Ten days after the Cleitus

affair, he was sent to collect provisions

for the winter of 328/7 (C 8.2.13). There

is no mention in the historical sources

of Hephaestion’s role at the wedding of

Alexander and Rhoxane, though Aëtion’s

painting of the ceremony included him

(Lucian, Aëtion 5; Pollitt 175–6).

In spring 327, Hephaestion and Perdiccas

were sent ahead into India with a substantial

force to act as an advance guard,

subdue the area around Peucelaotis, and

build a boat-bridge on the Indus (A

4.22.7–8; 4.23.1; 4.30.9; 5.3.5; C 8.10.2–3;

8.12.4; ME 48).356 It appears that, nominally

at least, Hephaestion had supreme command,

for Curtius’ account of the dealings

with Omphis son of Taxiles makes no

mention of Perdiccas, who must certainly

have been present. Perdiccas’ participation

in the mission may be attributable both

 

to the need for a competent military man

to accompany the relatively inexperienced

Hephaestion and to their apparent personal

compatibility. In the late stages of the

campaigns, both men developed strong

personal ties with Alexander, and it is not

surprising that Perdiccas replaced the dead

Hephaestion as Alexander’s most trusted

general and friend. The two generals followed

the Kabul River valley, subduing

some natives who resisted and winning

over others by negotiation and show of

force. At Peucelaotis, however, they found

that the local ruler, Astis, had rebelled (A

4.22.8). He had perhaps been among the

Indian hyparchs who had submitted to

Alexander along with Omphis (Taxiles) (A

4.22.6, so Anspach i.13), and his rebellion

may have been caused not by anti-

Macedonian sentiment but by fear of his

rival Sangaeus, who had now allied himself

with Omphis. Only after thirty days of

siege did Hephaestion and Perdiccas take

the city, handing it over to Sangaeus,

who later made an official surrender to

Alexander; Astis himself was killed in the

defense of his city. By the time Alexander

reached the Indus, Hephaestion had built

the boat-bridge and acquired provisions,

chiefly from Omphis, for the bulk of the

army (A 5.3.5; C 8.10.2–3; 12.4.6, 15; ME

48; Fuller 126–7).

In the battle with Porus at the Hydaspes,

Hephaestion commanded cavalry and was

directly under Alexander’s control on the

left wing (A 5.12.2; C 8.14.15). In concert

with the hipparch Demetrius son of

Althaemenes, he led a smaller force into

the kingdom of the so-called “cowardly”

Porus, a cousin of the recently defeated king,

who had fled eastward to the Gandaridae

(D 17.91.1–2; cf. A 5.21.3–4). Alexander

pursued him as far as the Hydraotes (Ravi)

River, whence he sent Hephaestion into

the defector’s kingdom in order to hand

it over to the friendly Porus (A 5.21.5;

cf. D 17.91.2). Hephaestion’s mission was

primarily organizational – to oversee the

transfer of the kingdom and establish a

Macedonian outpost on the Acesines (cf. A

 

5.29.3) – and hardly a war of conquest.357

He rejoined the King after the Sangala

campaign – a particularly bloody undertaking

(A 5.24.5) – and before the expedition

reached the Hyphasis (D 17.93.1;

C 9.1.35). His duties in India continued to

be primarily non-military. With Perdiccas

he had founded the city of Orobatis (A

4.28.5) en route to the Indus (which he

bridged), and gathered provisions from

Omphis. After transferring the territories

of “bad” Porus to his namesake, he established

a fortified site near the Acesines

(A 5.29.3); later he founded settlements

at Patala and in the land of the Oreitae

(A 6.21.5). The latter, named Alexandria,

may in fact have been the synoecism of

Rhambacia, which Leonnatus completed

(see Hamilton 1972).

Hephaestion is named as a trierarch of the

Hydaspes fleet (Nearchus, FGrH 133 F1 =

AInd 18.3). In the actual descent of the

Indus river system, Alexander divided the

bulk of his land forces into two parts:

Hephaestion took the larger portion,

including 200 elephants, down the eastern

bank, while Craterus with the smaller

force descended on the west (A 6.2.2; AInd

19.1–3; D 17.96.1). The separation of the

two commanders had become a virtual

necessity: friction between them had

erupted during the Indian campaign into

open hand-to-hand combat, with the

troops ready to come to the aid of their

respective leaders (PA 47.11–12; cf. D

17.114.1–2). The rivals were given instructions

to proceed downstream, each on his

side of the river, and to await the fleet,

which would join them three days’ sail

from the point of departure (AInd 19.3;

A 6.4.1; cf. Milns 227). Two days after

Alexander’s arrival at the predestined location,

Hephaestion continued south toward

the junction of the Hydaspes and Acesines,

toward the territory of the peoples allied

to the Mallians (A 6.4.1). By the time he

arrived, Alexander (who had sailed ahead)

had subdued the tribes of that region and

was preparing to march against the Mallians

themselves.358 In the ancient accounts of

 

that campaign – which saw the destruction

of the Mallian town (near modern Multan:

Wood 1997: 199–200) and the near-fatal

injury to Alexander – there is no mention

of Hephaestion.

The army continued southward, with both

Hephaestion and Craterus now occupying

the eastern bank, since the terrain on

the western side proved too difficult for

Craterus’ troops (A 6.15.4). But Craterus was

soon despatched westward via the Bolan

Pass to police the regions of Arachosia

and Drangiana (A 6.17.3; on the error

at 6.15.5 see Bosworth 1976a: 127–9; see

also s.v. Craterus). Craterus’ departure left

Hephaestion as Alexander’s second-incommand,

but in fact the King continued

to assign him organizational tasks. At Patala,

in the delta, he built city-walls while

Alexander sailed down the western arm of

the Indus (A 6.18.1). On his return, the King

found this task completed and instructed

Hephaestion to fortify the harbor and build

dockyards; he himself followed the river’s

eastern branch to the Ocean (A 6.20.1).359

On the journey westward, at the Arabius

River, Alexander left Hephaestion behind

with the main force, while he, Leonnatus,

and Ptolemy ravaged the land of the

Oreitae in three columns (A 6.21.3; C

9.10.6); the forces reunited at the borders

of the Oreitae (A 6.21.5). In the land of the

Oreitae, Hephaestion began the synoecism

of Rhambacia, while Alexander attended

to military matters on the frontiers of

Gedrosia. Soon he was replaced by

Leonnatus and rejoined Alexander, as

he embarked on his march through the

Gedrosian desert (A 6.21.5, 22.3). Of

Hephaestion’s part in the Gedrosian expedition

we know nothing further. After the

ordeal and a rest in Carmania, he led the

slower troops and the baggage-train into

Persia along the coastal route and rejoined

Alexander – who took the lighter troops to

Pasargadae and then through the Persian

Gates (A 6.28.7–29.1) – on the road to Susa.

Various episodes in Hephaestion’s career

suggest that he was generally unliked and

unlikable. We do not know the exact

 

nature of his quarrel with Callisthenes,

or why he maligned him. Perhaps he

objected to the brusqueness and austerity

of Callisthenes, who was himself not an

endearing person (A 4.10; PA 53). Furthermore,

Hephaestion showed an enthusiastic

preference for Alexander’s orientalisms and

extravagances. PA 47.9 says that Alexander

would employ Hephaestion in his dealings

with the Persians. Perhaps this attitude

toward the orientals earned him the

disfavor of both Macedonians and

Greeks, though his rise to power through

Alexander’s favoritism was a major cause

of hostility.360 Whether he organized the

unpopular proskynesis affair is uncertain.361

Hephaestion was to claim that Callisthenes

had promised to do proskynesis and gone

back on his word. He wasted no time in

maligning Callisthenes, once the sycophant,

Demetrius son of Pythonax (A 4.12.5), had

drawn the man’s misconduct to the attention

of Alexander and his courtiers (PA

55.1). Plutarch mentions two separate

occasions on which Hephaestion quarreled

with Eumenes: the first time over the

assignment of living-quarters (PEum 2.2;

see s.v. Evius), the second involving a

gift or a prize (PEum 2.8). Alexander, learning

of these incidents, was angry with

Hephaestion, but soon came to resent

Eumenes. Fortunately for Eumenes, the

animosity and Hephaestion were shortlived;

nevertheless, Eumenes was careful

to avert any suspicion that he rejoiced

at Hephaestion’s death by proposing that

honors be granted to him posthumously

(A 7.14.9; cf. D 17.115.1). Furthermore,

the conflict between Hephaestion and

Craterus in India is instructive. We are

told (PA 47.11) that Alexander rode up

and openly reproached Hephaestion, calling

him a madman if he did not know that

“without Alexander he would be nothing.”

This was not the case with Craterus,

whom Alexander chided in private; for

Craterus was not one to be dishonored

before his own troops, and before the

hetairoi. No two individuals are more

aptly characterized than are Hephaestion

 

and Craterus by the epithets philalexandros

and philobasileus (PA 47.10; PM 181d; D

17.114.2). Craterus’ departure for Europe in

324 (A 7.12.3–4) left him without a serious

rival as Alexander’s dearest friend and

foremost general. Already he had become

the army’s most important officer, for he

commanded the first hipparchy (“chiliarchy”)

of the Companions (A 7.14.10).

At Susa Hephaestion received a golden

crown, as did the other Somatophylakes (A

7.5.6), and at the mass-marriage ceremony

he married Drypetis, sister of Alexander’s

own bride Stateira, for, according to Arrian,

Alexander wished their children to be

first cousins (A 7.4.5; cf. D 17.107.6; cf. C

10.5.20). From Susa, Hephaestion led the

bulk of the infantry to the Persian Gulf,

while Alexander sailed down the Eulaeus

River to the coast (A 7.7.1), and from here

he followed the Tigris upstream where

the army and fleet reunited (A 7.7.6).

Together they proceeded to Opis, and

from Opis to Ecbatana. It was now

autumn 324 bc.

At Ecbatana Alexander offered sacrifice

and celebrated athletic and literary contests.

PA 72.1 says that some 3,000 artists had

arrived from Greece; cf. A 7.14.1; D

17.110.7–8 (dramatic contests only). There

were bouts of heavy drinking, and shortly

thereafter Hephaestion fell ill with a fever.

We do not know the precise nature of

his ailment; even Plutarch, who gives the

most detail, is vague (PA 72.2). Invariably,

Hephaestion’s death is linked with heavy

drinking: Arrian implies that the drinkingbouts

were the cause of his illness, Diodorus

is more explicit, but Plutarch does not

specify the cause of Hephaestion’s fever,

only that immoderate eating and drinking

were the proximate cause of his death. For

accounts of his death see A 7.14.1ff.; D

17.110.8; PolStrat 4.3.31 (incorrectly, it

happened at Babylon!); J 12.12.11; A

7.18.2–3; Epictetus 2.22.17; PA 72; PPel

34.2; NEum 2.2; AppBC 2.152. Ephippus

of Olynthus (FGrH 126), in his scandalous

pamphlet On the Deaths of Alexander and

of Hephaestion, will have attributed it solely

 

to barbaric drinking habits. At any rate, it

was on the seventh day of his illness that

Hephaestion died (so A 7.14.1). The only

other details are supplied by Plutarch,

according to whom Hephaestion disregarded

the strict diet imposed by his

doctor Glaucus (PA 72.2; Glaucias in A

7.14.4), who had gone off to the theater.

Eating a boiled fowl and drinking a great

quantity of wine, Hephaestion heightened

his fever and died (PA 72.2); news of his

deteriorating condition reached Alexander

at the stadium, where he was watching the

boys’ races, but he returned too late and

found Hephaestion already dead (A 7.14.1).

The King’s grief was excessive.362

Magnificent, indeed ostentatious, were

the funeral arrangements, some of which

were later canceled at the instigation of

Perdiccas, who conveyed Hephaestion’s

body to Babylon. The cost of his funeral

pyre was estimated at 12,000 talents ( J

12.12.12; D 17.115.5; cf. A 7.14.8, 10,000).363

In his role as Great King, Alexander

ordered that the sacred fire of Persia

be extinguished (D 17.114.4; see also

Schachermeyr 1970: 38–48, esp. 47) until

such time as Hephaestion’s last rites had

been completed.364 Not surprisingly, history

was quick to discover prophecies of

Hephaestion’s death (A 7.18.2 = Aristobulus,

FGrH 139 F54). The seer Peithagoras foretold

the deaths of both Alexander and

Hephaestion (cf. AppBC 2.152). Alexander

sent envoys of Siwah to inquire if

Hephaestion should be worshipped as a

god; the prudent oracle replied that he

should be revered as a hero (A 7.14.7:

envoys are sent to Amun; A 7.23.6: the

response comes that he should be revered

as a hero; cf. PA 72.3, but incorrectly that

he should be deified D 17.115.6; J

12.12.12; LCal 17).365

 

Hoffmann 170–1; Berve ii.169–75 no. 357.

Cf. Schachermeyr 511–15 and passim;

Schachermeyr 1970: 31–7; Heckel 65–90;

Reames-Zimmerman 1998.

 

 

 

 

σόρρυ για την μορφοποίηση, αλλά έτσι μου βγαίνει με το copy-paste και έχει πάρα πολλές αλλαγές σειράς για να κάτσω να το φτιάξω ένα-ένα στη χειρότερη διαβάστε το από κινητό φαντάζομαι ότι εκεί δεν θα φαίνεται κάποιο πρόβλημα

 

[AndreasD]

Syntrophos το λέμε τώρα;